This case has been cited 2 times or more.
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2008-07-28 |
QUISUMBING, J. |
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| PIA properly took over MCT operations sans a franchise or license as it was necessary, temporary and beneficial to the public. We have ruled that franchises from Congress are not required before each and every public utility may operate because the law has granted certain administrative agencies the power to grant licenses for or to authorize the operation of certain public utilities. Article XII, Section 11[34] of the Constitution does not necessarily imply that only Congress can grant such authorization. The determination of whether the winning bidder is qualified to undertake the contracted service should be left to the sound judgment of PPA or PIA as these agencies are in the best position to evaluate the feasibility of the projections of the bidders and to decide which bid is compatible with the project's development plans. Neither the Court nor Congress has the time and the technical know-how to look into this matter.[35] Furthermore, Section 4(e) of Presidential Decree No. 538, gives PIA the legal authority to construct, operate and maintain port facilities including stevedoring and port terminal services even without PPA's authority. The MOA granting PIA the exclusive control and supervision of all ports, wharves, piers and services within the industrial area, recognizing its power to collect port fees, dues and charges, makes PIA's authority over MCT operations more secure. | |||||
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2003-11-10 |
CARPIO MORALES, J. |
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| The records show that Edmund Randolph of the State of Virginia presented to the Convention what came to be known as the Virginia Plan of structure of government. It was largely the handiwork of James Madison, Father of the American Constitution. It called for a strong national government composed of an executive, a bicameral legislature and a judiciary.[23] The Virginia Plan vested jurisdiction in the judiciary over impeachment of national officers.[24] Charles Pinkney of South Carolina offered a different plan. He lodged the power of impeachment in the lower house of the legislature but the right to try was given to the federal judiciary.[25] Much of the impeachment debates, however, centered on the accountability of the President and how he should be impeached. A Committee called Committee on Detail[26] recommended that the House of Representatives be given the sole power of impeachment. It also suggested that the Supreme Court should be granted original jurisdiction to try cases of impeachment. The matter was further referred to a Committee of Eleven chaired by David Brearley of New Hampshire.[27] It suggested that the Senate should have the power to try all impeachments, with a 2/3 vote to convict. The Vice President was to be ex-officio President of the Senate, except when the President was tried, in which event the Chief Justice was to preside.[28] Gouverneur Morris explained that "a conclusive reason for making the Senate instead of the Supreme Court the Judge of impeachments, was that the latter was to try the President after the trial of the impeachment."[29] James Madison insisted on the Supreme Court and not the Senate as the impeachment court for it would make the President "improperly dependent."[30] Madison's stand was decisively rejected.[31] The draft on the impeachment provisions was submitted to a Committee on Style which finalized them without effecting substantive changes.[32] | |||||